[samatarian]

In early June 1977 or two weeks before the former French colony of Djibouti got its independence, the then French mayor of Djibouti city, D. Ornano approached Hassan Gulaid Abtidoon, the man destined to become the country's first president, asking him to employ a Romani as the President advisor for financial affairs. Romani who happened to be the brother of D. Ornano's Corsican wife lived in a self-imposed exile in the pacific island of Tahiti, after allegations that he was connected to both the Corsican and Italian Mafia surfaced in France, compelling him to flee the country.
Immediately after Djibouti became independent, President Gulaid complyingly appointed Romani as his financial affairs counsellor. With that appointment, the Corsican and subsequently the Italian Mafia gained a strong foothold in the Red Sea port state of Djibouti.
In the years that followed, the two Mafia branches were able, under Romani's direction, to establish a variety of businesses mainly in the sectors of tourism (Bars, night clubs, hotels) liquor and tobacco trade, narcotics, prostitution, marine transportation and construction. Smuggling and trade of arms, international drug money laundering, nuclear waste dumping and other activities were added later (in the 80s and 90s) to the list of already well-established illicit businesses.
Some of the ventures run by the Mafia include well-known spots in Djibouti such as Stortit nightclub, Scottish Bar, Club Las Vegas and the Sheraton Hotel Casino (managed until recently by two Mafiosi named Luhetti and Pierr-Paul).
Before his death in 1997, Romani had managed to expand the Mafia activities in Djibouti, establishing ties with underworld groups in Tahiti, the Indian ocean islands of Reunion, Seychelles and Madagascar in addition to Corsica, Italy and Lebanon.
All along, Djibouti provided the Mafia not only an obscure sanctuary but full protection as well. But it was Ismail Omer Ghelle, (the powerful boss of the notorious secret police under president Gulaid and currently the sitting president of Djibouti) who towards the end of the seventies developed such close links with the Mafia that he became a business partner in most of its syndicates in and outside Djibouti.
Beginning from the eighties and with Ghelle's encouragement and patronage, the Mafia moved easily into new business areas:
International drug money laundering
Initially most of money laundering operations were executed through Djibouti Bank of the Middle East (DBME) which was actually established for handling this kind of business. Partners in the DBME included some Arab businessmen in addition to the Mafia. Ghelle called Roble Olhaye, a close friend of his from childhood days in Dire-Dawa, Ethiopia, to become the General Manager of the Bank in 1985. Like Ismail Omer Ghelle, Olhaye was born in Ethiopia from an Essa-Mamaasan tribe. After working in some shady business schemes he fled Ethiopia shortly before Mengistu Haile Mariam's revolution in 1974 to Nairobi, Kenya.
During his stay in Kenya, Olhaye became involved in illegal export of the African elephant tusks through Djibouti. In Nairobi, he also did some business with an international narcotics trafficking dealer. In 1986, the Djibouti Bank of the Middle East was mysteriously declared bankrupt and in 1987 Olhaye was appointed as Djibouti's ambassador to the UN, a job he still holds.
Another Bank especially established for handling international drug money laundering operations is "Djibouti Development Bank", founded as a joint venture by the Djibouti Mafia and some Russian emigrants living in the US. The Russians were believed to be members of the powerful Russian Mafia.
Olhaye who owns one apartment in Manhattan, New York city, and another in Washington DC regularly meets the Russians at either one of his two homes. Through this Russian connection, Djibouti President Ghelle had arranged a higher professional training at a private security accadamy in the US for members of a Djiboutian special crack force that comes under his direct supervision.
Recently money laundering operations have been reorganized so as to be spread across banks operating in Djibouti. But a significant part of the business is carried out by a remittances firm run by a Djiboutian business tycoon called Abdulla Taha Saeed. The money laundering techniques used by Djibouti Mafia connection, were not necessarily highly sophisticated to erase the origin of the funds. Djibouti's geographical position, as an unknown nation snugly lying in the Horn Africa region, where according to much of the world only wars and famine persist, has played to the advantage of drug barons in concealing their money laundering operations from international efforts to expose them.
Drugs, Guns and Liquor Smuggling
In the last decade, Djibouti has become a focal point for smuggling heavy drugs such as cocaine and liquor across the red sea to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states. A firm registered as a marine transportation company owned by the Monfreid family, has been contracted by the Mafia to carryout these operations out of Djibouti port. Djibouti airport has occasionally been used as a transit point for Europe-bound narcotics and arms for the Hutu of Rwanda and lately for the "Transitory government of Somalia".
Toxic waste Dumping
Since the early nineties, the Italian Mafia which controls toxic waste dumping in Italy and parts of Europe has shifted its dumping operations at western coasts of Africa to the Red Sea coastal areas of Djibouti and Somalia. On one account, highly toxic and radio-active waste has been dumped at "Gubat-alkharab" and "Muluho" in the Afar-inhabited coastal territory of Djibouti in 1992, 1993 and 1994. The toxic waste disposal venture was jointly managed by Idrisis Omer Ghelle (brother of President Ismail Omer Ghelle) who represented the Djibouti Mafia and the Italians man in Djibouti, Mario Angelo. Both men died later under mysterious circumstances.
After reportedly contracting severe skin diseases and other unusual health problems, the Afar coastal community (subsistent livestock herders and fishermen) at Gubatal-kharab and Muluhu had to flee the area moving in-land, apparently after exposure to effects of the waste dumped in their localities. Following strong protests by Afar leaders, the dumping operations were since moved to the high seas facing the western coast of Somaliland (opposite the area between Zaila and Lughaya). The Italian Parliament has recently began debating this issue.
Assassinations allegedly carried out by the Mafia on behalf of the Djibouti government 1. Mohammed Idriss (Qaraf)-- Killed in 1991 while investigating the assassination of three Essa men in Dire-Dawa during 1990. Among the 3 victims was Hamud Langadhe, a long-time leader of an anti-Ethiopian insurgency movement whose members were drawn from Issa clansmen living within border areas that fall across the demarcation lines between Somaliland, Ethiopia and Djibouti. Hamud and the other two men came to Dire-Dawa to declare allegiance to the SNM whose guerrilla compaign against the government forces of dictator Siyad Barre had entered its 9th year in early 1990. The Djibouti government, which supported Siyad Barre, became angered by Hamud Langadhe's move and has been widely held as being behind the elimination.
Before his death, Mohammed Idriss held the position of assistant director of Djibouti's secret security police. He personally directed the investigation of the killing of Hamud Langadhe and his colleagues. During the investigation, Idriss found sufficient evidence incriminating Ismail Omer Ghelle for masterminding the assassination operation. Idriss started to talk.
Dr. Mohammed Yassin --- A pharmacologist who headed the state - owned medical Drugs Agency. Was killed in 1994 after refusing to obey instructions by Ismail Omer Ghelle, asking him to pay from Agency funds an amount of money needed for hiring an assassination team to eliminate a prominent Essa figure. The targeted man who was hitherto considered a Ghelle confidant had been accused of disclosing highly damaging secrets to political adversaries.
Mario Angelo --- An Italian who arrived in Djibouti in 1978. Mario Angelo was connected to the Italian Mafia and during 1992-1994, he worked with Idriss Omer Ghelle on a project for dumping highly toxic waste along the Red Sea coastal areas inhabited by the Afar people of Djibouti.
A mutual suspicion of each other developed between Agnelo and his Djiboutian counter-parts while the third and last phase of the project was being implemented.
Then at one night in 1994, Mario Angelo was killed infront of Ali Sabieh Hotel in uptown Djibouti known by locals as "Guudka".
Angelo's death came shortly after all the waste dumping operations had been successfully carried out. It was widely believed that the timing was not coincidental but preplanned by the Djiboutian/Corsican Mafia connection.
Mafia dominated businesses in Djibouti
Borre Group Ltd. -- Holding company of Abdirahman Borre's business establishments. A close tribal relative and childhood friend of President Gelle (Essa, clan), Borre is said to be involved in almost half of all the businesses that count in Djibouti that it has been difficult to assess his activities which range from wholesale of imported food material and construction engineering services to general brokering and smuggling of gemstones and counterfeit cigarettes. From an obscure small trader in the early nineties, Borre had become a very wealthy and powerful man at high speed and with little effort.
President Ghelle is said to be a silent partner in most of his commercial and trade activities. His regional business ties witnessed an incredibly tremendous expansion during the last 5 years that they account now for over 60% of his earnings. Borre controls through smuggling, most of the tobacco cigarettes trade in eastern Ethiopia, Somaliland and Somalia.
His ties with Mogadishu businessmen have substantially grown during the last 3 years. With two of his business partners elected in August 2000 as president (Qassim Salad) and prime minister (Ali Galaydh) of the newly formed transitional government of Somalia, Borre has since taken big preparations to take a lion's share of expected reconstruction works in war devastated Somalia.
Qassim Salad has already awarded Borre two lucrative contracts: printing of a new Somalia Passport and a new Somalia bank notes. To finance these awards and his future operations in Somalia, he recently paid up $8 million to become a major stake holder in Djibouti Sheraton Hotel only to sell his shares soon after to a wealthy Saudi businessman of Yemeni origin, called Amoudi (same owner of Adis-Abab Sheraton). Borre also received a commission of one million dollar for pretensely brokering in Sept. 2000 a deal between the Djibouti Port Authority and the managers of Dubai Port International who have been contracted to run the free trade zone at Djibouti port.
Borre met some setbacks though specially after it had been established that he was an accomplice in the corruption scandal that brought down former Ethiopian prime minister Tamarat Leyn 4 years ago. As a consequence, he was no more welcome in Ethiopia, though his cigarette brands continued to be smuggled into eastern Ethiopia.
In mid 2000 Puntland was prompted to outlaw Borre's business activities in the territories under its control following reports that the business tycoon had been destabilizing the regional state in eastern Somalia.
Borre also overseas Ghelle's secret bank accounts held with banks in French Bolonesia, Seychelles, Lebanon and the UAE.
Marine Transportation: Owned by a French family well known for its involvement in arms trade. Originally founded by Henry de Monfreid in mid 19th century. Now run by two grandsons of Monfreid, the company is involved in the smuggling of Hashish, Cocaine, liquor and Gemstones.
Abdulla Taha Money Exchange & Remittances: Owned by A. Taha, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin. Handles money laundering for the Mafia. In this connection, President Ghelle deals with Taha through a Mamaasan woman with the name of Maryan Ma'aan who works as an executive secretary at Djibouti's Presidency. Legal counselling on money laundering is provided by a French man called Martinet who holds two official titles: Legal Advisor to the President and Chairman of Djibouti Bar Association.
Concore Co: A building contractors company. Major shareholders are Ismail Omer Ghelle and Saeed Barkhad, Minister of Public works (Samaron-reer Nur)
Comad: A shipping line agency owned by Saeed Sheik Osman, brother of Mahdi Sheik Osman, commander of both the para-military police force, the Gendermere, and the Presidential Guards.
Liban Ismail Omer: The 25 years old son of President Ghelle. Sole distributor of Isuzu Vehicles. Since his father was elected president in April 1999, all government departments were instructed to replace their motor transport with Isuzu cars. As a result, Liban sold several hundred Isuzu vehicles to government agencies. Liban also owns 35 large trucks used in transportation of goods to Ethiopia. Among Liban's business associates is Patrick, the son of Romani. Patrick runs a chain of night club including a one in Port Elizabeth, Seychelles
Buh Idriss Omer: President Gelle's nephew. Agent for a Sudanese land transportation Co. Manages 150 trailer trucks for forwarding Ethiopia-bound transit goods. Originally, the firm was co-founded by Muse Shihem, an Afar and former Djibouti foreign minister. Shihem had to relinquish his stake in the company in favor of Bush Idriss as a result of intimidation. He is now Djibouti's ambassador to Brussels. As a kind of compensation, Shihem was given a plot of land that the company agreed to use as its encampment site against a monthly rental of DJFr 500,000.
Most of the trucks used by the company had been reported to be in bad shape. No attention was given to constant complaints by the Ethiopians about the inefficiency of the forwarding services.
Other big business names on the Mafia connection:
- Al-Ghamil women wear- owned by Abdulkarim Al-Ghamil, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin.
- Saif Group - owned by Dahir Saeed Saif, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin. A wheeler-dealer with exclusive ownership of business services
- Rubah contractors - owned by Ali Rubah, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin who has monopoly over French army contracts.
- Salim Al-Mudhi - Djiboutian of Yemeni origin who runs "pleasure business".
Who is who in Djibouti's Top Power Circle
Besides exclusive ownership of so many shady business enterprises, the ruling clique in Djibouti also enjoys a complete monopoly over political power in the whole country. President Ismail Omer Ghelle, an Essa- Mamaasan- of course sits on the top of the power structure.
Long before assuming the top position of Djibouti president in May 1999 (elected in April), Ghelle was declared by the-then Djibouti president Hassan Gulaid Abtidoon as the undisputed heir apparent to the highest government post in the country.
Although Ghelle remains the most-and-all powerful figure in Djibouti, the following regime insiders (most of them close relatives) rank politically among the most influential personalities in the port-state.
2. Hassan Saeed: Nicknamed Hassan Madoobe. Mamaasan. Director general of the Security Directorate, a state security apparatus consisting of three departments independent of each other. SDS -- Specialized in domestic spying, RM --- Military information service and counter intelligence, RG --- General information services. Hassan Madoobe is one of the two persons most trusted by president Ghelle.
3. General Zakaria: Army of Staff, a Mamaasan. Was a lieutenant in the early nineties. Promoted to General because of his close tribal connection to president Ghelle. Together with Hassan Madoobe, Zakaria is among Ghelle's two most trusted aides.
4. Col. Mahdi Sh Osman: Commander of both the Presidential guards and the Gendarmarie para-military police force. Belongs to the Mamaasan.
5. Abdirahman Borre: Business tycoon, childhood friend and frontman in business circles for Ghelle. Over-all representative for Ghelle interests in the Mafia connection. From the Essa clan.
6. Col. Abdi Kahin: Commander of the Nagad maximum security prison - site for torturing political prisoners. Mamaasan.
7. Sherdoon Abbas: Chairman of the High Court, the only member of the inner circle who is not Mamaasan. He belongs to the Odohgob Essa sub-clan but his mother is the aunt of Ismail Omer Ghelle.
8. Col. Hassan Jama: A Mamaasan Reer Abgal. Formerly commander of Djibouti Air Force. Currently in the Armed Forces combined command. Married to a sister of Ismail O. Ghelle.
9. Col. Omer Buh: Operation officer in the Armed Forces combined command. From the Urweine Essa sub-clan. Married to a sister of Ghelle
10. Jama Haid: Governor of Djibouti Central Bank, an Isaak, Habr Awal. Brother of Djibouti's first lady, Khadra Haid.
11. Jama Ali Ghelle: Director general of Djibouti Electricity power supply Agency. Mamaasan Reer Egal.
12. National Treasurer: Mohammed Qumane, from the Essa Furlabe subclan. Married to the niece of former president Hassan Gulaid.
13. Abdulla Domaine: Director general of Customs & Tariff Department, Reer Egal.
14. Ahmed Dualle: General Manager Djibouti Port Authority, Reer Egal.
15. Dr. Saeed Sheik: Director general of the Medical Drugs Agency. From the Mamaasan subclan.
16. Director General of the Telecommunication corporation

[djib_extremiste]

Are u sure... we are talking about the same Djibouti?
Where did u get this information, u got to cite the article and the author...

Some people are getting paranoid!!!!

[Dodo]

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War la qabaa xise maleeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeh